Monday 22 December 2014

Kidnapped, raped and left for dead: who will protect Ethiopia's girls?

The Guardian
One day in early October, Hanna Lalango, 16, did not return from school to her home in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, at the usual time. Her father Lalongo Hayesso was worried about his youngest daughter.
“We waited for her at her usual time … but we had to wait for 11 days to hear that she had been abandoned on the street. She was incapacitated and couldn’t even get up,” said Hayesso. His daughter had been abducted, gang-raped and left for dead. Hanna was not able to get to hospital until 12 days after her attack, where she was treated for traumatic gynaecological fistula and other injuries. She died on 1 November.
Sexual violence against women in Ethiopia is relatively common. Research from 2012 found that “rape is undoubtedly one of the rampant crimes in Ethiopia”, and linked its prevalence to male chauvinist culture, legal loopholes, the inefficiency of different agencies in the criminal justice system, and “a deep-seated culture of silence”. In October 2011, an Ethiopian Airlines flight attendant named Aberash Hailay lost her eyesight after her ex-husband, Fisseha, stabbed her in both eyes with a sharp knife. And there’s the story of Frehiwot Tadesse, a mother of two, who was shot several times by her ex-husband in a broad daylight in Addis. Since the first reported case involving Kamilat Mehdi and her ex-boyfriend, acid attacks against women have also shown a disturbing increase.

Ethiopia is world's 4th worst jailer of the press


The Committee to Protect Journalists identified 220 journalists in jail around the world in 2014, an increase of nine from 2013. The tally marks the second-highest number of journalists in jail since CPJ began taking an annual census of imprisoned journalists in 1990, and highlights a resurgence of authoritarian governments in countries such as China, Ethiopia, Burma, and Egypt
China’s use of anti-state charges and Iran’s revolving door policy in imprisoning reporters, bloggers, editors, and photographers earned the two countries the dubious distinction of being the world’s worst and second worst jailers of journalists, respectively. Together, China and Iran are holding a third of journalists jailed globally—despite speculation that new leaders who took the reins in each country in 2013 might implement liberal reforms.
The 44 journalists in Chinese jails are a jump from 32 the previous year, and reflect the pressure that President Xi Jinping has exerted on media, lawyers, dissidents, and academics to toe the government line. In addition to jailing journalists, Beijing has issued restrictive new rules about what can be covered and denied visas to international journalists. Coverage of ethnic minority issues continues to be sensitive; almost half of those jailed are Tibetan or Uighur, including academic and blogger Ilham Tohti and seven students imprisoned for working on his website, Uighurbiz. Twenty-nine of the journalists behind bars in China were held on anti-state charges. (Read detailed accounts of each imprisoned journalist here.)
The administration of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has also maintained repressive measures against the press. This year, Iranian authorities were holding 30 journalists in jail, down from 35 in 2013 and a record high of 45 in 2012. CPJ’s 2014 International Press Freedom Award winner Siamak Ghaderi was released from prison in July, but that same month, Iranian authorities jailed Jason Rezaian, a Washington Post reporter. By late 2014, the government had still not disclosed the reason for Rezaian’s arrest or the nature of charges against him.
The list of the top 10 worst jailers of journalists was rounded out by Eritrea, Ethiopia, Vietnam, Syria, Egypt, Burma, Azerbaijan, and Turkey. The prison census accounts only for journalists in government custody and does not include those in the captivity of nonstate groups. For example, CPJ estimates that approximately 20 journalists are missing in Syria, many of whom are believed held by the militant group Islamic State.
Turkey, which was the world’s worst jailer in 2012 and 2013, released dozens of journalists this year, bringing to seven the number of journalists behind bars on the date of CPJ’s census. However, on December 14, Turkey detained several more journalists—along with television producers, scriptwriters, and police officers—and accused them of conspiring against the Turkish state, according to news reports. The detentions were born of a political struggle between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling party and the movement led by U.S.-based cleric Fethullah Gülen, and included the editor-in-chief of one of Turkey's largest dailies, Zaman, which is aligned with Gülen.
In Eritrea, which has consistently ranked among the world’s worst jailers and is ranked third this year, authorities are holding 23 journalists, all without charge, and have refused to disclose the prisoners’ health or whereabouts. In 2014, CPJ conducted a fresh investigation into the status of long-held prisoners in the extremely repressive country; the probe led to the addition or removal of a handful of cases but yielded little information about many of those long jailed.
A state crackdown on independent publications and bloggers in Ethiopia this year more than doubled the number of journalists imprisoned to 17 from seven the previous year, and prompted several journalists to flee into exile, according to CPJ research.
For the first time since 2011, Burma had journalists in jail on the date of CPJ’s census: at least 10 were imprisoned, all on anti-state charges. In July, five staff members of the Unity weekly news journal were sentenced to 10 years in prison each under the 1923 Official Secrets Act. Rather than reforming draconian and outdated security laws, President Thein Sein’s government is using the laws to imprison journalists.
In Azerbaijan, authorities were jailing nine journalists, up one from the previous year. Amid a crackdown on traditional media, some activists took to social networking sites in an attempt to give the public an alternative to state media. CPJ’s list does not include at least four activists imprisoned in Azerbaijan this year for creating and managing Facebook groups on which they and others posted a mix of commentary and news articles about human rights abuses and allegations of widespread corruption.
Egypt more than doubled its number of journalists behind bars to at least 12, including three journalists from the international network Al-Jazeera.
In recent years, journalist jailings in the Americas have become increasingly rare, with one documented in each 2012 and 2013. This year, the region has two: a Cuban blogger was sentenced to five years in prison in retaliation for his critical blog, and in Mexico, an independent journalist and activist for Mayan causes has been charged with sedition.
Other trends and details that emerged in CPJ’s research include:
The 220 journalists jailed around the world compares with the 211 CPJ documented behind bars in 2013. The 2014 tally ranks the second highest behind 2012, when CPJ documented 232 journalists jailed in relation to their work.
Worldwide, 132 journalists, or 60 percent, were jailed on anti-state charges such as subversion or terrorism­. That is far higher than any other type of charge, such as defamation or insult, but roughly in line with the proportion of anti-state charges in previous years.
Twenty percent, or 45, of the journalists imprisoned globally were being held with no charge disclosed.
Online journalists accounted for more than half, or 119, of the imprisoned journalists. Eighty-three worked in print, 15 in radio, and 14 in television.
Roughly one-third, or 67, of the journalists in jail around the world were freelancers, around the same proportion as in 2013.
The number of prisoners rose in Eritrea, Ethiopia, China, Bangladesh, Thailand, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Egypt, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and Saudi Arabia.
Countries that appeared on the 2014 prison census after jailing no journalists in the 2013 survey were Cameroon, Swaziland, Mexico, Cuba, Burma, and Belarus.
CPJ defines journalists as people who cover the news or comment on public affairs in media, including print, photographs, radio, television, and online. In its annual prison census, CPJ includes only those journalists who it has confirmed have been imprisoned in relation to their work.
CPJ believes that journalists should not be imprisoned for doing their jobs. The organization has sent letters expressing its serious concerns to each country that has imprisoned a journalist. In the past year, CPJ advocacy led to the early release of at least 41 imprisoned journalists worldwide.
CPJ’s list is a snapshot of those incarcerated at 12:01 a.m. on December 1, 2014. It does not include the many journalists imprisoned and released throughout the year; accounts of those cases can be found at www.cpj.org. Journalists remain on CPJ’s list until the organization determines with reasonable certainty that they have been released or have died in custody.
Journalists who either disappear or are abducted by nonstate entities such as criminal gangs or militant groups are not included on the prison census. Their cases are classified as “missing” or “abducted.”
Shazdeh Omari is CPJ's news editor. She was the former copy chief for The Village Voice and has worked as a reporter and editor in the United States and Greece.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7w4g-4Vv7QE


Friday 19 December 2014

Gang rape spurs calls for reform in Ethiopia

By Jacey Fortin, Aljazeera
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – Inside a gated home on the western outskirts of Ethiopia’s capital, a picture of Hanna Lalango is framed in a wreath of flowers just beginning to wilt around the edges. 
Source-Justice-for-Hanna-facebook-page-413x300
The 16-year-old girl died on November 1, about a month after she entered a public mini-bus and was gang-raped by the strangers on board.
Hanna’s story is strikingly similar to a tragedy that took place in India two years ago, when another young woman boarded a bus, was raped by the passengers, and died from her injuries. That incident spawned a mass movement calling for an end to violence against women and impunity for perpetrators, making international headlines and sparking protests across the world’s most populous democracy.
But in Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous country, the reaction to Hanna’s death has so far been subdued.
Ethiopia’s economy has grown rapidly in recent years, and the country has made major progress on health and poverty initiatives over the past two decades.
But violence against women remains an entrenched and often taboo issue. Eighty percent of Ethiopians live in rural areas, where patriarchal customs often effectively turn women into second-class citizens.
In cities and towns, Ethiopian and foreign women alike complain of constant sexual harassment on the streets. According to the UN, Ethiopia ranked 121st out of 187 countries in terms of gender equality in 2013.
Hanna’s case was flying under the radar until Blen Sahilu, a young university lecturer and women’s rights activist, stumbled across a brief report on the attack buried in a local newspaper.
“I saw that the case was written off as something really simple,” Blen said. “I was shocked and first I called friends and asked, ‘Did you hear about this case?’ And no one had.”
Blen began raising awareness through The Yellow Movement, an activist group she leads at Addis Ababa University. Her followers on social media networks connected Blen with Hanna’s family, and soon she had posted enough information to make more people take notice.
Brutal assault
The day of Hanna’s disappearance began like any other. “On that morning, she was doing chores as usual: making breakfast, cleaning the house,” said Hanna’s father, Lalango Hayesso. “I told her to go to school so she wouldn’t be late.”
Hanna was a good student – not stellar, but studious – who had promised her father that she would become a doctor one day.
Lalango waited for his daughter to come home at 4pm, but she never arrived. “We went to the police station. Then we prayed a lot. There was nothing else we could do.”
Eleven days later, Hanna finally called. “Where are you?” she asked when her father answered the phone. He asked her the same question. Family members tracked her down, bloodied and abandoned outside of a church, and rushed her to a hospital.
After a series of transfers from one healthcare facility to another, Hanna ended up at Zewditu Hospital in central Addis Ababa. The doctors did all they could, but after 22 days in treatment, she succumbed to her injuries.
“She came to us very late,” said Dr Abiye Gurmessa, a surgeon at Zewditu whose team worked around the clock to treat her genital injuries. “The wound area was deep and very much infected.”
During her final days, Hanna told her family she boarded a public taxi after school, and the men inside had taken her to one of their homes and raped her for several days before leaving her on the street.
The ensuing police investigation eventually brought some suspects to her hospital room. Lalango said she pointed out three of the alleged perpetrators, which led investigators to find two more. Five men are now in police custody, and investigations are ongoing.
Shadowing shame
Had his daughter survived, Lalango said he would not have made this case public, as the shame would have shadowed Hanna for the rest of her life. Women’s rights activists suspect this impulse to keep sexual assaults secret has caused gender-based violence to often go unreported.
“I’ve been working on these issues, so I thought I knew them. But I learned a lot of new things,” said Blen.
“Male friends started telling stories about them growing up as teenagers, and how common it was for guys to do this. There are euphemisms to describe it; they don’t call it gang rape. But they know it’s not consensual.”
On paper, Ethiopia can point to a number of initiatives to improve women’s rights. The constitution itself guarantees gender equality. New family laws passed in 2000 raised the legal age of marriage to 18 and gave wives greater control over marital property. And last year, Ethiopia launched a campaign in partnership with the UN to combat violence against women across the country.
Government spokesman Redwan Hussein said he does not foresee any policy changes resulting from Hanna’s case, and the government intends to stay the course. “Education must be going on, development must continue, and those who commit these crimes must be brought to court,” he said. “I think we are on the right track.”
Limited information
But if policy changes are necessary, it would be hard to prove, given the lack of research documenting gender-based violence in Ethiopia. Past studies have painted a dreary picture, but limited sample sizes leave many questions unanswered.
Blen said she hopes Hanna’s case will spur interest in undertaking more research. “The long-term purpose should be to push for a comprehensive national study, so that’s what we are going to push for,” she said.
Zenaye Tadesse, director of the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, said her group is working on a survey of its own.
“We’ve been thinking about undertaking different types of assessments on violence against women, but we have not been able to fund them,” she said.
Projects such as these are hampered by Ethiopia’s Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009, which states without government permission, only organisations that receive less than 10 percent of their funding from abroad can work on human rights and gender-equality issues.
But Hanna’s story has shed new light on the plight of Ethiopia’s women. Civil society groups – underfunded though they are – are doing their best to build on that momentum.
‘Doesn’t happen again’
At a November 24 press conference on the case, audience members wept as Lalango described his daughter’s ordeal, and again when Zenaye recounted stories of past cases: A father who abused his young daughters for years, and a woman who died after her rapist penetrated her with electric tools.
Women in attendance shared stories of discrimination, and men called on each other to treat their female friends with respect. Attendees signed a petition to the government calling for better legislation on gender equality.
Lalango, a deeply religious Christian, is not as concerned with the political effects of Hanna’s tragedy. He said he only hopes other families won’t suffer as his has. Lalango has grown protective of his four daughters and young granddaughter, calling to check on them whenever he can.
“In our culture, it’s not like this. It’s not the right thing,” he said. “Maybe this was God’s message, a warning for other people – not only for Ethiopia, but for the whole world – so this doesn’t happen again.”

Tuesday 16 December 2014

Forum set to hold a demonstration in Addis

ESAT News
December 10, 2014
Forum (Medrek), a coalition of Ethiopia based opposition parties, has called a demonstration in Addis Abeba to be held on December 14, 2014. The demonstration is aimed at calling the government to stop rights abuses, to hold a free, fair and democratic election, and equally smooth for all.
Forum stated that it has repeatedly called on the government to sit for talks and negotiations although the regime refused. It said the demonstration to be held between 9 am to 1 pm on Sunday December 14, will oppose the ruling Front’s stubbornness and the continued arrest and harassment of opposition members and the society.
Tilahun Endashaw, the Public Relations Head of Forum, said it is now impossible to free and fair election in such a condition when the government controls everything through the one-to-five structure.
Tilahun said unless the regime is willing to solve the questions of the people, it will utilise different forms of peaceful and legal strategies and hold successive protests

Four Swedish tourists shot in Ethiopia

December 15, 2014 (Expressen) — Four Swedish tourists were shot in southern Ethiopia on 12 December 2014. The Embassy was in contact with them and they feel under the circumstances, says Ulla Jacobson at the Ministry’s press office to SVT News. According to the Foreign Ministry, the Swedish tourists were at an animal sanctuary when they came under fire. None of them were injured in the incident. According expressen.se, which spoke with the wife of one of the shot, put the Swedes in a jeep. The husband saw other jeeps run to catch up, saw that they were getting ready to open fire and he threw himself down on the floor. Firefight with park rangers A gunfight broke out between the pursuers and park rangers in a jeep in front, with the Swedes vehicle in the middle.– Afterwards boxes on their jeep riddled and it was bullet holes in the door, says his wife to Expressen. She says that the tourist group has been in Ethiopia for a week, and that they consist of a group of friends at around a dozen Swedes who is on holiday in the country. It was in the Omo Valley in southern Ethiopia as the Swedes came under fire near the border to northern Kenya. In northern Kenya, the terrorist group Al-Shabaab active and the group has previously claimed responsibility for several attacks. But according to Ulla Jacobson does not know the Foreign Ministry that the area would be particularly risky

Sunday 14 December 2014

2 Ethiopians killed by Saudi border guards

AFP) – RIYADH: Guards on Saudi Arabia’s southern border with Yemen have killed two Ethiopians trying to smuggle drugs and alcohol into the kingdom, the official SPA news agency reported.
The agency said late Saturday that another three smugglers were wounded and four police were slightly hurt in a firefight.
Citing a spokesman for Saudi security forces, it said the incident in a mountainous area of Asir province came after the smugglers opened fire on border guards trying to arrest them.
The Saudi authorities often announce the seizure of drugs in a country where people convicted of smuggling narcotics are beheaded by the sword.
At the end of November, the interior ministry said that more than 41 million amphetamine pills had been seized over the previous 12 months.
Between February and September, around 1,600 Saudis and foreigners had been arrested in drugs-related cases, it added.

አገር ውስጥ እየኖሩ መሞት፣ በስደት ጉዞ መሞት፣ በስደት እየኖሩ መሞት! “መጪው ጊዜ ከኢህአዴግ ጋር ብሩህ ነው!”


* አገር ውስጥ “ባርነት”፤ ከአገር ተሰድዶ “ባርነት”

ከጥቂት ቀናት በፊት በአገራቸው መኖር ያቃታቸው 70 ኢትዮጵያዊያን ቀይ ባህርን በጀልባ አቋርጠው ወደ የመን ሲያመሩ በደረሰ አደጋ ሁሉም መሞታቸው ተገልጾዋል። ኢህአዴግ እነዚህ በእርግጥ ኢትዮጵያውያን ለመሆናቸው ማስረጃ እንደሌለውና “እያጣራ” መሆኑን በቃል አቀባዩ በኩል ተናግሯል፡፡
በዚህ ዓይነት ሁኔታ ከአገራቸው እየተሰደዱ ለባህር፣ ለአውሬ፣ … የተዳረጉት ወገኖቻችን ብዛት ተቆጥሮ አያልቅም፡፡ ይህንን ሁሉ አልፈው ወዳሰቡት የደረሱት ደግሞ በስደት የሚኖሩባቸው በተለይ የአረብ አገራት ይህ ነው የማይባል ሰቆቃ ይደርስባቸዋል፡፡ ይህንን ሁሉ የሚሰማው ወገን አሁንም በየኤምባሲው ቪዛ ለማስመታት በተገኘው ቀዳዳ ከአገሩ ለመውጣት ይጥራል፡፡ በዚህ በኩል ያልተሳካለት ድንበር በማቋረጥ አስጨናቂውንና አስፈሪውን ጉዞ ይጀምራል፡፡
“አገር እየለማች” ነው ለሚለው ኢህአዴግ ይህ ምንም ዓይነት ምላሽ የሚሰጥበት ባይሆንም አሁንም “ለጊዜው የምጠብሰው ትልቅ አሣ አለና ጊዜ የለኝም” በማለት መስማት የተሳነው መሆኑን ይናገራል፡፡ አሽቃባጭ ካድሬዎቹም በየማኅበራዊ ድረገጾችና መገናኛ ብዙሃን “መጪው ጊዜ ከኢህአዴግ ጋር ብሩህ ነው” ይሉናል፡፡
በእንደዚህ ዓይነት ሁኔታ የስደት ህይወት ለመምራት እየወሰኑ የሚሄዱት ወገኖቻችን ከሚያስቡበት አገር ሲደርሱ ስለሚሆነው ሰሞኑን የወጣው የ2014 “የባርነት መለኪያ ዘገባ” በዘመናዊ ባርነት ውስጥ የሚገኙት ኢትዮጵያውያን ቁጥር 390ሺህ እንደሚገመት ተናግሯል፡፡ (የጎረቤት ኬኒያ65ሺህ እንኳን አልደረሰም)
ከአረመኔ የባህር ላይ አስተላላፊዎች ያመለጡት ወይም “በልማት እየተመነደገች” ካለችው አገራቸው ኑሮን ማሸነፍ እያቃታቸው ወደ አረብ አገራት “በቪዛ” የሚወጡት በ“Global Slavery Index” መለኪያ መሠረት ለዘመናዊ ባርነት የሚጋዙ ናቸው፡፡
አገር ውስጥ ያለው “ዘመናዊ ባርያ” ኑሮን ማሸነፍ ያቃተውና የሰው ልጅ ሊሰራው የማይገባውን ሥራ የሚሠራ እንደሆነ ዘገባው ጠቆሟል፡፡ ከገጠር ወደ ከተማ የሚሰደደውና እዚያም በኑሮ ስቃይ ውስጥ የሚገባው ወላጅ ልጆቹን ለጎዳና ተዳዳሪነት፣ ለልመናና ለወሲብ ንግድ አሳልፎ ይሰጣል፡፡ ወደ ት/ቤት መላክ የሚገባቸው ህጻናት ሊሠሩት ቀርቶ ሊያስቡት የማይገባ እጅግ ዘግናኝና ሰቅጣጭ ሥራዎችን እንዲሰሩ ይገደዳሉ፡፡refugees and their boat
በአፍሪካ ቀዳሚውን ሥፍራ የያዘው የመርካቶ አካባቢ የመሸታና የሴተኛ አዳሪ ቤቶች ክምችት እንደሆነ የጠቆመው ዘገባ የዘመናዊ ባርነቱን ሁኔታ ይዘረዝራል፡፡ በዚህ ሁኔታ ከአገር ውስጥ “ዘመናዊ ባርነት” ያመለጡት ወደ አረብ አገራት “ለውጭ አገር ዘመናዊ ባርነት” ገንዘባቸውን እየከፈሉ ራሳቸውን በፈቃደኝነት ይሰጣሉ፡፡
በዚህ የባርነት ንግድ ያልጠገበው ኢህአዴግ በቅርቡ በሳውዲ የሆነውን የወገን ሰቆቃ ቸል በማለት የተቋተረጠበትን ገቢ እንደገና ለመጀመር “ሕግ እያረቀቀ” መሆኑ ተሰምቷል፡፡ ባርነቱን በመቀጠል ሽያጩን ለማጧጧፍና ትርፉን ለማጋበስ ረቀቅ ባለ ሁኔታ ዝግጅቱን አድርጓል፡፡ ባለሥልጣናቱም የአረቡን አገራት ጎብኝተው “በባርነት ንግዱ” ላይ ተስማምተው መጥተዋል፡፡ ይህንን “መልካም ዜና” የሰሙት “ተስፈኛ ዘመናዊ ባሪዎችም” ዓይናቸውን ጨፍነው ወደ ጭለማው ለመግባትና ህይወታቸውን ለባርነት አሳልፈው ለመስጠት ሙሉ ዝግጅት እያደረጉ ነው፡፡ እስከዚያው ለመጠበቅ ያልቻሉትና “ከአገር ውስጥ ዘመናዊ ባርነት” ሞትን የመረጡት አሁንም ድንበር እያቋረጡ ወደ ባህር ይጓዛሉ፡፡
ባለፉት የመጋቢትና የሚያዚያ ወራት ቁጥራቸው ከመቶ የሚያልፍ በተመሳሳይ አደጋ ሰጥመዋል፤ ለቀብር ሳይበቁ በውሃ ተበልተዋል፡፡ ያገራቸው “ህዳሴና ልማት” ሊያኖራቸው ያልቻለው አውሮጳን አልመው እስከዚያው የአረቢያ ምድርን ተስፋ አድርገው በምድርና በባህር የሚሰደዱት ኢትዮጵያውያን ቁጥር እየጨመረ ከመሄድ በቀር የመቀነስ ሁኔታ አይታይበትም፡፡ አውሮጳን ሳያልሙ “ለዘመናዊ ባርነት” ወደ አረቢያ የሚሰደዱት ምንም ተስፋ በሌለበት ሁኔታ እንኳን ከእነርሱ በፊት ሄደው የተሳካላቸውን ሰዎች በማሰብ እነርሱም ከእነዚያ መካከል እንደሚሆኑ በመገመት ጉዞ ያደርጋሉ፡፡ ከደረቁ ምድር ገና ለመሳፈር ሲነሱ ለባህር ወንበዴዎች ገንዘባቸውን ይከፍላሉ፤ ከዚያም ሲያልፍ የአካል ክፍላቸውን እያወጡ ይሸጣሉ፤ እዚያው በኢንፌክሽን ይሞታሉ፤ ከዚህ ያመለጡትና “ባርነትን” ተስፋ ያደረጉት ደረቅ ምድር ሳይደርሱ በባህር ይሰጥማሉ፡፡ ከዚህ ሁሉ የተረፉት ጥቂቶች ከባህርና ከአጓጓዥ አውሬዎች አምልጠው “ለዘመናዊ ባርነት ብቁ” ይሆናሉ፡፡ በባርነት “ያተረፉትን” ገንዘብ ወዳገራቸው ይልካሉ፤ ያገራቸውን “ኢኮኖሚ በድርብ አኻዝ” ያሳድጋሉ፤ “በልማቱ መስክ” ይሳተፋሉ፤ … “መጪው ጊዜ ከኢህአዴግ ጋር ብሩህ ነው!”
source http://www.goolgule.com/

በቅስቀሳው ወቅት የታሰሩት አመራሮችና አባላት አሁንም አልተፈቱም

ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ
10687129_627440187381643_6931792570194490039_nለ24ቱ ሰልፍ ቅስቀሳ ላይ እያሉ የታሰሩት ማቲያስ መኩሪያ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ የአዲስ አበባ ስራ አስፈጻሚ ህዝብ ግንኙነትና የምርጫ ጉዳይ ኃላፊ፣ ባህረን እሸቱ የምርጫ ጉዳይ ቋሚ ኮሚቴ ኃላፊ እንዲሁም ሲሳይ ዘርፉ እስካሁን ድረስ አልተፈቱም፡፡ ባህረን እሸቱና ማቲያስ መኩሪያ ከ30 በላይ እስረኞች ሶስት በአራት በሆነ ክፍል ታጭቀው በሚታሰሩበት ወረዳ 9፤ እንዲሁም ሲሳይ ዘርፉ ላዛሪስት በሚባል እስር ቤት ታስረው የሚገኙ ሲሆን ከፍተኛ በደል እየደረሰባቸው እንደሚገኝ ተገልጾአል፡፡
ሶስቱም ታሳሪዎች ‹‹ለህገ ወጥ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ በመቀስቀስ›› በሚል ክስ ቀረበባቸው ሲሆን በሰላማዊ ሰልፉ ወቅት የታሰሩት አመራሮች፣ አባላትና ተሳታፊዎች እነዚህ እስረኞች ላይ ከቀረበው በበለጠ ‹‹ህገ መንግስቱን በመናድ›› በሚል ክስ ተከሰው 14 ቀን ቀነ ቀጠሮ ከተሰጠባቸው በኋላ ቀድመው መፈታታቸው ይታወቃል፡፡

በአዳር ሰልፉ ወቅት ከፍተኛ ድብደባ ከደረሰባቸው መካከል የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባል የሆነው ቡልቻ አባ ኑራ አንዱ ነው፡፡ ይህ ከተደበደበ ከ8 ቀን በኋላ የተነሳ ፎቶ ግራፍ ነው፡
SOURCE 
http://www.zehabesha.com/